“It might be better to have, instead of propaganda and special pleading, committees of wise men who would choose our rulers, dictate our conduct, private and public, and decide upon the best kinds of food for us to eat. But we have chosen the opposite method, that of open competition.” – Edward Bernays
Propaganda has become a dirty word. That “become” may be a surprise as, for centuries, it was not. This change in public use of the word came shortly after World War 1 when people began to realize how little the romanticism of war matched the horrors of reality; a word was needed to capture the betrayal of their sentiments. Currently it is used almost exclusively to convey something negative – the emphasis is placed on the misleading nature of the subject described, whereas it was previously a benign term. The tide has come and gone, and the original conception of the word may never return. But Edward Bernays disagreed with the word’s transformation and sought to redeem the idea of propaganda. It is worth asking if Bernays should have won this battle for the word’s identity – and if it should be fought again.
Bernays did so through his well-known 1928 book Propaganda. While he was born in Vienna in 1891, his family would move to New York City in the following year. He is largely known for pioneering the field of public relations; major companies such as General Electric and Proctor and Gamble would pay for his advisement. No introduction of him appears complete unless it is stated that he is the twice over the nephew of Sigmund Freud – his mother was Freud’s sister, and his father was the brother of Freud’s wife; few would doubt the influence of psychology throughout the book and his work.
The word “propaganda” itself originated from the Congregation for Propagation of the Faith in Rome, founded by Roman Catholic Cardinals in the 1620s. The congregation sought to expand and improve the missionary efforts of the church, and so it sent out missionaries to propagate – to spread and promote widely – the faith of the Church. From around this time until World War 1, the word was seldom used.
The title of his first chapter, “Organizing Chaos,” is his essential thesis about what is positive about propaganda, serving as the theme of the word’s redemption: “In theory, every citizen makes up his mind on public questions and matters of private conduct. In practice, if all men had to study for themselves the abstruse economic, political and ethical data involved in every question, they would find it impossible to come to a conclusion about anything.” That is, propaganda is a means of organizing the world’s chaos by raising awareness of a cause by making its nature clearer (idealistically) and highlighting its significance to the public.
For a word that has been used, misused, and suffered from fundamentally different implications, it is important to arrive at definitions. In the second chapter, The New Propaganda, Bernays addresses dictionary and public definitions of propaganda. He quotes from the Funk and Wagnalls Dictionary’s definition at the time: “Effort directed systematically toward the gaining of public support for an opinion or a course of action.” Later, he arrives at his own definition: “Modern propaganda is a consistent, enduring effort to create or shape events to influence the relations of the public to an enterprise, idea or group.” Ultimately, Bernays’ efforts were not enough. One of The Oxford Dictionary’s current definitions for propaganda is: “The systematic dissemination of information, esp. in a biased or misleading way, in order to promote a particular cause or point of view, often a political agenda.” Bernays’ essay, then, was a battle against the potential addition of the “biased or misleading” clause to the word’s identity.
To prevent this addition, Bernays argued that propaganda is just only to the extent to which it is righteous and truthful: “Yet whether, in any instance, propaganda is good or bad depends on the merit of the cause urged, and the correctness of the information published…” He also quotes from a Scientific American article that pleads the case for the word: “Truth is mighty and must prevail, and if any body of men believe that they have discovered a valuable truth, it is not merely their privilege but their duty to disseminate that truth. If they realize, as they quickly must, that this spreading of the truth can be done upon a large scale and effectively only by organized effort, they will make use of the press and the platform as the best means to give it wide circulation.”
A potential contradiction appears to those cognizant of Bernays’ work on the whole. He is partly infamous for his work for the American Tobacco Company where he conceived a campaign branded “Torches of Freedom.” This was a propaganda campaign designed to create more female smokers by combining the idea of smoking with empowerment. Smoking, as per the advertisements, was a sign of liberation, freedom and rebellion. While this point provides many difficulties, it does not demonstrate an outright contradiction to Bernays’ defense of propaganda as the deadly effects of smoking were not directly understood at the time of his campaign.
He provides a handful of examples of his propagandist work throughout the book. In one instance, Bernays describes how the old method of advertising would say, for example, ‘YOU – buy a piano NOW,’ but modern propaganda would operate more subtly: “The music room will be accepted because it has been made the thing. And the man or woman who has a music room or has arranged a corner of the parlor as a musical corner, will naturally think of buying a piano. It will come to him as his own idea.” He also increased the sale of ivory soap by promoting nationwide soap carving competitions for children while also utilizing the word of a reputed sculptor to promote the idea. In another campaign, the NAACP sought to hold a momentous event to fight against lynching, segregation and other forms of discrimination. Bernays advised that it must be held in the South to garner the most attention and that diverse leaders from across the country should be invited so that the nation would hear about the speeches given.
The later chapters approach the concept of propaganda as it pertains to specific ideas and groups: business, politics, women, education, social service, arts and sciences. These chapters are largely only significant for providing further examples of propaganda as a positive tool: “A campaign for the preservation of teeth seeks to alter people’s habits in the direction of more frequent brushing of teeth. A campaign for better parks seeks to alter people’s opinion in regard to the desirability of taxing themselves for the purchase of park facilities…” Only the chapter on “women’s activities” seems to have aged poorly with its overemphasis on homemaking, cooking, etc.
Bernays ends with optimism about the popular conception of propaganda: “If the public is better informed about the processes of its life, it will be so much the more receptive to reasonable appeals to its own interests…” There is something desirable about propaganda – and, Bernays argues, that by understanding how it works we will be more welcoming to further propagandized efforts to garner our interest and investment. His final page is hopeful – he wants the public to become more aware of how propaganda operates: “If the public becomes more intelligent in its commercial demands, commercial firms will meet the new standards. If it becomes weary of the old methods used to persuade it to accept a given idea or commodity, its leaders will present their appeals more intelligently.”
Now, nearly one hundred years after Propaganda’s publication, we may consider Bernays’ proposed hope of redeeming the word as a lost war. It is primarily used as a derogatory accusation, synonymous with perceived manipulation or deception. But it also seems safe to say that there are few words used as uncritically as propaganda. As a litmus test for the sincerity of the word’s usage – how frequently is the word used to describe something that the accuser finds agreeable? Those we disagree with are propagandists – those we agree with speak Truth, or at least the righteousness of the cause minimizes any falsehoods; to call some political speech or text “propaganda” often conveys little apart from the speaker’s opposition. It is largely, to misuse a lyric by Them Crooked Vultures, “…an incomplete thought coming to a complete stop.” On the other hand, it should be stressed that it is far better to be cognizant of some trick being performed than to absorb propaganda dogmatically.
This line of thinking can easily snowball, but it is not within the scope of this essay to make broad prescriptions for the overall state of public discourse or to prepare dissections of how entrenched people are in their political camps. Rather, let us rest this point to say that the concept itself of ‘propaganda’ is seldom considered clearly– and that is why the bulk of Bernays’ points are enduringly significant.
But is something off? The previous comments have tried to understand and clarify the text’s arguments themselves, but let us consider the work as a whole. In one moment, Bernays quotes high-sounding phrases from Scientific American: “Truth is mighty and must prevail…” In another, he tells us how he boosted the sales of one brand of soap. Is Truth and its dissemination Bernays’ priority – or is he merely an all-too-clever salesman? To use Bernays’ own definition, this book was ‘an effort to influence the relations of the public to an idea’ – that of propaganda’s righteousness, and so it must be stressed that the book Propaganda is certainly itself propaganda according to his terms.
Bernays makes plentiful points in favor of propaganda, but the absence of those against it precludes sincerity. He emphasizes how propaganda helped the NAACP fight segregation but avoids mentioning how it enticed young men to horrific deaths across the sea in the first World War (or, even, how it may have been used to ensure segregation endured as long as it did to begin with). Bernays was doubtlessly cognizant of the negative uses; an earnest argument for the word would have provided destructive examples while stressing that the word should be redeemed in spite of them. Yes, to an extent he covered his tracks – Bernays would simply say such examples would fall under his conception of “bad” or unjust propaganda, but the absence of these points prevents the book from appearing honest in its seemingly lofty ambitions and keeps it far removed from being an earnest scholarly examination.
It is easy to share his proposed wish for a more enlightened public, but it is worth estimating whether his hope was genuine without assuming telepathy. Bernays had popularized what is now known as the ‘Third-Party Technique” which involves, for example, hiding or obfuscating the fact that an otherwise impartial expert is on the propagandized cause’s payroll; the fewer fingerprints on the propaganda from its originator, the better. This leaves an abundance of work to be done by individual minds to determine what is honest and what is manipulation; his teachings have made it difficult to distinguish between the perceptive eye and the merely conspiratorial. Perhaps a more honest way to rephrase his hope for the public becoming “more receptive to reasonable appeals” would be: ‘Those in power and those chasing it are only going to become more cunning with my help; you’d better keep up.’ Yes, we should always desire a more intelligent and informed populace that can continually sniff out these tricks with ease, but the public has lives to lead and can only take a passing interest in subjects not close to their hearts; meanwhile clever people, inspired and empowered by Bernays, have devoted their lives to propagandizing a cause with his tricks.
The man has been increasingly demonized as the awareness of his work grew, and it can be argued that his influence has been a net negative for humanity, but let us not forget that we are only able to damn him because we know of him. He could have remained in the shadows, empowering corporations and politicians who would keep these secrets to themselves without ever allowing the public to know the name Edward Bernays. Instead, the magician openly reveals his own tricks and how those by his predecessors, peers, and those to come are performed; the instruction manual is available for anyone to explore, and perhaps some gratitude is owed for the fact that these tactics were not pioneered and popularized by someone with worse intents. Regardless, we must finally come to terms with his proposed plea for the redemption of propaganda.
In the first chapter, to stress how broad the varied interests in society are, Bernays lists dozens of organizations featured in the World Almanac that begin with the letter ‘A’. In the nearly one-hundred years since Propaganda’s publication, our population has grown from two billion to eight billion. Through the advent of the internet and its ability to connect distant individuals we have seen the formation of an unprecedented number of differing groups, creating a vastly larger diversity compared to the amount that astounded Bernays. It is unlikely for any of these causes or groups to succeed or expand without propaganda, especially as the tools Bernays provided are now far more widely known – but certainly not well-known enough – and those competing for public attention and support are lost without utilizing his devices; so too is it hopelessly romantic to think that they will pursue these goals through solely honest and noble means. But necessity alone does not answer the question, and perhaps there is a bit of irony here – it was easier to argue the case for propaganda’s redemption prior to the book Propaganda being published. Now, after the fact, the tools for propagating a cause are subtler, cleverer and more multifaceted; thanks to his work, it is more important than ever to keep one’s guard up – thereby securing the appropriateness of the inclusion – especially in a biased or misleading way.